What Do We Know and What Should We Do About Authoritarian Regimes?, Natasha Lindstaedt
Автор: Ezrow NatashaM Название: Dictators and Dictatorships ISBN: 144117396X ISBN-13(EAN): 9781441173966 Издательство: Continuum Рейтинг: Цена: 7324.00 р. Наличие на складе: Есть (1 шт.) Описание: Discusses how dictatorships work, looking at leaders, elites, and regime dynamics, synthesizing foundational and cutting-edge research on authoritarian politics, and integrating theory with case studies. This title argues that political outcomes in dictatorships are largely a product of leader-elite relations.
Автор: Lindstaedt Natasha Название: Democracies and Authoritarian Regimes ISBN: 019882081X ISBN-13(EAN): 9780198820819 Издательство: Oxford Academ Рейтинг: Цена: 4434.00 р. 5542.00-20% Наличие на складе: Есть (1 шт.) Описание: The only introduction to cover the full spectrum of political systems, from democracy to dictatorship and the growing number of systems that fall between, equipping readers to think critically about democracy`s future trajectory.
Описание: In December 1931, El Salvador`s civilian president, Arturo Araujo, was overthrown in a military coup. Such an event was hardly unique in Salvadoran history, but the 1931 coup proved to be a watershed. Araujo had been the nation`s first democratically elected president, and although no one could have foreseen the result, the coup led to five decades of uninterrupted military rule, the longest run in modern Latin American history. Furthermore, six weeks after coming to power, the new military regime oversaw the crackdown on a peasant rebellion in western El Salvador that is one of the worst episodes of state-sponsored repression in modern Latin American history. Democracy would not return to El Salvador until the 1990s, and only then after a brutal twelve-year civil war. In "Authoritarian El Salvador: Politics and the Origins of the Military Regimes, 1880-1940, " Erik Ching seeks to explain the origins of the military regime that came to power in 1931. Based on his comprehensive survey of the extant documentary record in El Salvador`s national archive, Ching argues that El Salvador was typified by a longstanding tradition of authoritarianism dating back to the early- to mid-nineteenth century. The basic structures of that system were based on patron-client relationships that wove local, regional, and national political actors into complex webs of rival patronage networks. Decidedly nondemocratic in practice, the system nevertheless exhibited highly paradoxical traits: it remained steadfastly loyal to elections as the mechanism by which political aspirants acquired office, and it employed a political discourse laden with appeals to liberty and free suffrage. That blending of nondemocratic authoritarianism with populist reformism and rhetoric set the precedent for military rule for the next fifty years. "With his "Authoritarian El Salvador: Politics and the Origins of the Military Regimes, 1880-1940, "Erik Ching makes a significant and original contribution to the historiography of Central America and to debates on patron-client relations and systems of political development. No doubt the enormous empirical research and attention to archival detail he presents will spark debate in the rich and growing literature on politics, democracy, and authoritarianism in post-independence Latin America." --Justin Wolfe, Tulane University
Автор: Milani, Ali (labour Party Politician, Councillor And Activist.) Название: Unlikely candidate ISBN: 1447361598 ISBN-13(EAN): 9781447361596 Издательство: Marston Book Services Рейтинг: Цена: 2572.00 р. Наличие на складе: Есть у поставщика Поставка под заказ.
Описание: The COVID-19 pandemic is reshaping our politics, economy and society, providing a chance to reset and redesign politics. Ali Milani brings a unique perspective to the key political issues we`re facing and inspires a new generation of political leaders from the disenfranchised, disillusioned and marginalised in society.
At least 70% of the world’s population now lives under an autocracy. There are more openly authoritarian states than ever, democratic regimes are ‘backsliding’ into autocracy, and authoritarian values and practices are increasingly normalized. Regimes in China and Russia are as prominent and urgent as ever, but authoritarianism is spreading across the globe.
Why is this happening? What can we do about it?
This book is a concise and compelling exploration of the increasing number and influence of authoritarian regimes. It explains the realities of recent trends to ‘autocratisation’, the tools these regimes use, what we can do to resist, and why we might even allow ourselves a degree of optimism.
Professor Natasha Lindstaedt works at the Department of Government at the University of Essex.
The ‘What Do We Know and What Should We Do About...?' series offers readers short, up-to-date overviews of key issues often misrepresented, simplified or misunderstood in modern society and the media. Each book is written by a leading social scientist with an established reputation in the relevant subject area.
"Short, sharp and compelling." - Alex Preston, The Observer
"If you want to learn a lot about what matters most, in as short a time as possible, this is the series for you."- Danny Dorling, Halford Mackinder Professor of Geography, University of Oxford
Описание: The revival of authoritarianism is one of the most important forces reshaping world politics today. However, not all authoritarians are the same. To examine both resurgence and variation in authoritarian rule, Karrie J. Koesel, Valerie J. Bunce, and Jessica Chen Weiss gather a leading cast of scholars to compare the most powerful autocracies in global politics today: Russia and China. The essays in Citizens and the State in Authoritarian Regimes focus on three issues that currently animate debates about these two countries and, more generally, authoritarian political systems. First, how do authoritarian regimes differ from one another, and how do these differences affect regime-society relations? Second, what do citizens think about the authoritarian governments that rule them, and what do they want from their governments? Third, what strategies do authoritarian leaders use to keep citizens and public officials in line and how successful are those strategies in sustaining both the regime and the leader's hold on power? Integrating the most important findings from a now-immense body of research into a coherent comparative analysis of Russia and China, this book will be essential for anyone studying the foundations of contemporary authoritarianism.
How should a liberal democracy respond to hate groups and others that oppose the ideal of free and equal citizenship? The democratic state faces the hard choice of either protecting the rights of hate groups and allowing their views to spread, or banning their views and violating citizens' rights to freedoms of expression, association, and religion. Avoiding the familiar yet problematic responses to these issues, political theorist Corey Brettschneider proposes a new approach called value democracy. The theory of value democracy argues that the state should protect the right to express illiberal beliefs, but the state should also engage in democratic persuasion when it speaks through its various expressive capacities: publicly criticizing, and giving reasons to reject, hate-based or other discriminatory viewpoints.
Distinguishing between two kinds of state action--expressive and coercive--Brettschneider contends that public criticism of viewpoints advocating discrimination based on race, gender, or sexual orientation should be pursued through the state's expressive capacities as speaker, educator, and spender. When the state uses its expressive capacities to promote the values of free and equal citizenship, it engages in democratic persuasion. By using democratic persuasion, the state can both respect rights and counter hateful or discriminatory viewpoints. Brettschneider extends this analysis from freedom of expression to the freedoms of religion and association, and he shows that value democracy can uphold the protection of these freedoms while promoting equality for all citizens.
Описание: The question of how Donald Trump won the 2016 election looms over all of the many controversies that continue to swirl around him to this day. In particular, was his victory the result of Russian meddling in our political system? Up until now, the answer to that has been equivocal at best given how difficult it is to prove. Trump has vociferously denied it, as has Vladimir Putin himself. Even the famous intelligence reports establishing that the Russians interfered hold back from saying whether the interference tipped the scales in the outcome. In Cyberwar, the eminent politics scholar Kathleen Hall Jamieson has sifted through a vast amount election data and concludes with a reasonable degree of certainty that Russian help was indeed crucial in Trump's victory. By changing the behavior of key players and altering the focus and content of mainstream news, Russian hackers reshaped the 2016 electoral dynamic. Drawing on decades of research on the role of media in American elections, Jamieson forensically traces both the ebbs and flows of Trump's polling support throughout the campaign and the shifting emphases of the media. While it is impossible to prove with absolute certainty that the Russians handed the election to Trump, the lessons of a half-century of research on the effects of media-framing in elections strongly suggest that many voters' opinions were altered by Russia's coordinated campaign. Combining scholarly rigor with a bracing argument, Cyberwar shows why we can now be reasonably confident that Russian efforts helped put Trump in the White House.
Описание: "It may be cold comfort in this chaotic era, but Americans should know that there are adults in the room. . . . And we are trying to do what's right even when Donald Trump won't."--An anonymous senior administrative official in an op-ed published in a New York Times op-ed, September 5, 2018 Every president faces criticism and caricature. Donald Trump, however, is unique in that he is routinely characterized in ways more suitable for a toddler. What's more, it is not just Democrats, pundits, or protestors who compare the president to a child; Trump's staffers, subordinates, and allies on Capitol Hill also describe Trump like a small, badly behaved preschooler. In April 2017, Daniel W. Drezner began curating every example he could find of a Trump ally describing the president like a toddler. So far, he's collected more than one thousand tweets--a rate of more than one a day. In The Toddler-in-Chief, Drezner draws on these examples to take readers through the different dimensions of Trump's infantile behavior, from temper tantrums to poor impulse control to the possibility that the President has had too much screen time. How much damage can really be done by a giant man-baby? Quite a lot, Drezner argues, due to the winnowing away of presidential checks and balances over the past fifty years. In these pages, Drezner follows his theme--the specific ways in which sharing some of the traits of a toddler makes a person ill-suited to the presidency--to show the lasting, deleterious impact the Trump administration will have on American foreign policy and democracy. The "adults in the room" may not be able to rein in Trump's toddler-like behavior, but, with the 2020 election fast approaching, the American people can think about whether they want the most powerful office turned into a poorly run political day care facility. Drezner exhorts us to elect a commander-in-chief, not a toddler-in-chief. And along the way, he shows how we must rethink the terrifying powers we have given the presidency.
