Red, Black, White: The Alabama Communist Party, 1930–1950, Mary Stanton
Автор: Craven Название: White, Red And Black ISBN: 081393012X ISBN-13(EAN): 9780813930121 Издательство: Mare Nostrum (Eurospan) Рейтинг: Цена: 5079.00 р. Наличие на складе: Есть у поставщика Поставка под заказ.
Описание: Like cotton, indigo has defied its humble origins. Left alone it might have been a regional plant with minimal reach, a localised way of dyeing textiles, paper and other goods with a bit of blue. But when blue became the most popular colour for the textiles that Britain turned out in large quantities in the eighteenth century, the South Carolina indigo that coloured most of this cloth became a major component in transatlantic commodity chains. In Red, White, and Black Make Blue, Andrea Feeser tells the stories of all the peoples who made indigo a key part of the colonial South Carolina experience as she explores indigo’s relationships to land use, slave labour, textile production and use, sartorial expression and fortune building.In the eighteenth century, indigo played a central role in the development of South Carolina. The popularity of the colour blue among the upper and lower classes ensured a high demand for indigo and the climate in the region proved sound for its cultivation. Cheap labour by slaves - both black and Native American - made commoditisation of indigo possible and due to land grabs by colonists from the enslaved or expelled indigenous peoples, the expansion into the backcountry made plenty of land available on which to cultivate the crop. Feeser recounts specific histories - uncovered for the first time during her research - of how the Native Americans and African slaves made the success of indigo in South Carolina possible. She also emphasises the material culture around particular objects, including maps, prints, paintings and clothing. Red, White, and Black Make Blue is a fraught and compelling history of both exploitation and empowerment, revealing the legacy of a modest plant with an outsized impact.
Описание: How white advocates of emancipation abandoned African American causes in the dark days of Reconstruction, told through the stories of four Minnesotans White people, Frederick Douglass said in a speech in 1876, were \u201cthe children of Lincoln,\u201d while black people were \u201cat best his stepchildren.\u201d Emancipation became the law of the land, and white champions of African Americans in the state were suddenly turning to other causes, regardless of the worsening circumstances of black Minnesotans. Through four of these \u201cchildren of Lincoln\u201d in Minnesota, William D. Green\u2019s book brings to light a little known but critical chapter in the state\u2019s history as it intersects with the broader account of race in America.In a narrative spanning the years of the Civil War and Reconstruction, the lives of these four Minnesotans mark the era\u2019s most significant moments in the state, the Midwest, and the nation for the Republican Party, the Baptist church, women\u2019s suffrage, and Native Americans. Morton Wilkinson, the state\u2019s first Republican senator; Daniel Merrill, a St. Paul business leader who helped launch the first Black Baptist church; Sarah Burger Stearns, founder and first president of the Minnesota Woman Suffragist Association; and Thomas Montgomery, an immigrant farmer who served in the Colored Regiments in the Civil War: each played a part in securing the rights of African Americans and each abandoned the fight as the forces of hatred and prejudice increasingly threatened those hard-won rights. Moving from early St. Paul and Fort Snelling to the Civil War and beyond, The Children of Lincoln reveals a pattern of racial paternalism, describing how even \u201cenlightened\u201d white Northerners, fatigued with the \u201cNegro Problem,\u201d would come to embrace policies that reinforced a notion of black inferiority. Together, their lives—so differently and deeply connected with nineteenth-century race relations—create a telling portrait of Minnesota as a microcosm of America during the tumultuous years of Reconstruction.
It is generally recognized that antebellum interracial relationships were "notorious" at the neighborhood level. But we have yet to fully uncover the complexities of such relationships, especially from freedwomen's and children's points of view. While it is known that Cincinnati had the largest per capita population of mixed race people outside the South during the antebellum period, historians have yet to explore how geography played a central role in this outcome.
The Mississippi and Ohio Rivers made it possible for Southern white men to ferry women and children of color for whom they had some measure of concern to free soil with relative ease. Some of the women in question appear to have been "fancy girls," enslaved women sold for use as prostitutes or "mistresses." Green focuses on women who appear to have been the latter, recognizing the problems with the term "mistress," given its shifting meaning even during the antebellum period. Remember Me to Miss Louisa, among other things, moves the life of the fancy girl from New Orleans, where it is typically situated, to the Midwest. The manumission of these women and their children—and other enslaved women never sold under this brand—occurred as America's frontiers pushed westward, and urban life followed in their wake. Indeed, Green's research examines the tensions between the urban Midwest and the rising Cotton Kingdom. It does so by relying on surviving letters, among them those from an ex-slave mistress who sent her "love" to her former master. This relationship forms the crux of the first of three case studies. The other two concern a New Orleans young woman who was the mistress of an aging white man, and ten Alabama children who received from a white planter a $200,000 inheritance (worth roughly $5.1 million in today's currency). In each case, those freed people faced the challenges characteristic of black life in a largely hostile America.
While the frequency with which Southern white men freed enslaved women and their children is now generally known, less is known about these men's financial and emotional investments in them. Before the Civil War, a white Southern man's pending marriage, aging body, or looming death often compelled him to free an African American woman and their children. And as difficult as it may be for the modern mind to comprehend, some kind of connection sometimes existed between these individuals. This study argues that such men—though they hardly stand excused for their ongoing claims to privilege—were hidden actors in freedwomen's and children's attempts to survive the rigors and challenges of life as African Americans in the years surrounding the Civil War. Green examines many facets of this phenomenon in the hope of revealing new insights about the era of slavery. Historians, students, and general readers of US history, African American studies, black urban history, and antebellum history will find much of interest in this fascinating study.
Описание: No other research organization dominates the field of science in its country to the degree that the Soviet Academy of Sciences does. The coming to power of the Bolsheviks in 1917 presented Russian science with a new governmental attitude toward the place of science in national life. The Soviet Union`s first five-year plan, the period of this study,
Let Them Tremble: Biographical Interventions Marking 100 Years of the Communist Party, USA is a collection of six biographies exploring unique and often neglected aspects of the Communist Party, USA (CPUSA). Each biographical intervention explores a specific CPUSA leader's life, work and times and places them within political and historical context. The goal of these interventions is not to tell a complete story, to paint a complete picture; intimate knowledge of personal lives and relationships is not the goal and is largely absent. Rather, the goal is for each biography to tell a partial political story, a story that emphasizes topical aspects of the Party's ongoing work, especially in the post 1956 period. The hope is that each individual partial story helps build on and adds to a completer and more complex CPUSA history, thereby helping to create a larger organizational narrative more easily digested and discussed by students. This project is not a complete history of the CPUSA. It is a series of thematic narratives that each tell a political story through biographical interventions.
The interventions collectively span the bulk of the Party's history, not just the so-called Heyday, Popular Front, McCarthy or Old Left periods. Special emphasis is placed on Party activity and analysis in the 1960's, 1970's and 1980's, up to the Party's centennial. Comprehensive histories of Party activity during the second half of the 20th century written by more competent authors is desperately needed. The biographical interventions constituting this project are a sincere attempt to add some nuance and complexity, to explore a neglected period of communist activity in U.S. history, and thereby add knowledge, breadth and depth to the study of U.S. radicalism in the 20th century.
Each biography consists of two or three overarching themes; the individual narratives largely focus on aspects of Party work as they relate to these themes. Often Party leaders held numerous positions within the organization and took on multiple assignments, which could easily constitute larger projects. However, the intent here is not to cover the waterfront. It is to focus on specific themes, to dig down. All of the communists in this study spent most of their adult lives as Party leaders, in one form or another. Some, such as Gus Hall, spent their lives as full-time revolutionaries. Others, like W. Alphaeus Hunton, never held an official Party position and was never on Party pay roll. And still others, Charlene Mitchell and Judith Le Blanc, for example, served as fulltime Party staff - in different capacities - but also led mass movements where their Party membership was known, but not necessarily advertised. I have avoided Party leaders who have been given considerable biographical attention by other authors: William Z. Foster, Claudia Jones, Ben Davis, Jr., Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, James and Esther Cooper Jackson, William Patterson, and Angela Davis, among others.
Автор: Feeser Название: Red, White, And Black Make Blue ISBN: 0820338176 ISBN-13(EAN): 9780820338170 Издательство: Mare Nostrum (Eurospan) Рейтинг: Цена: 9286.00 р. Наличие на складе: Есть у поставщика Поставка под заказ.
Описание: Like cotton, indigo has defied its humble origins. Left alone it might have been a regional plant with minimal reach, a localised way of dyeing textiles, paper and other goods with a bit of blue. But when blue became the most popular colour for the textiles that Britain turned out in large quantities in the eighteenth century, the South Carolina indigo that coloured most of this cloth became a major component in transatlantic commodity chains. In Red, White, and Black Make Blue, Andrea Feeser tells the stories of all the peoples who made indigo a key part of the colonial South Carolina experience as she explores indigo’s relationships to land use, slave labour, textile production and use, sartorial expression and fortune building.In the eighteenth century, indigo played a central role in the development of South Carolina. The popularity of the colour blue among the upper and lower classes ensured a high demand for indigo and the climate in the region proved sound for its cultivation. Cheap labour by slaves - both black and Native American - made commoditisation of indigo possible and due to land grabs by colonists from the enslaved or expelled indigenous peoples, the expansion into the backcountry made plenty of land available on which to cultivate the crop. Feeser recounts specific histories - uncovered for the first time during her research - of how the Native Americans and African slaves made the success of indigo in South Carolina possible. She also emphasises the material culture around particular objects, including maps, prints, paintings and clothing. Red, White, and Black Make Blue is a fraught and compelling history of both exploitation and empowerment, revealing the legacy of a modest plant with an outsized impact.
Автор: Stanton, Mary Название: Red, black, white ISBN: 0820356174 ISBN-13(EAN): 9780820356174 Издательство: Mare Nostrum (Eurospan) Рейтинг: Цена: 4158.00 р. Наличие на складе: Есть у поставщика Поставка под заказ.
Описание: Red, Black, White is the first narrative history of the American communist movement in the South during the 1930s. Written from the perspective of the district 17 (CPUSA) Reds who worked primarily in Alabama, it acquaints a new generation with the impact of the Great Depression on postwar black and white, young and old, urban and rural Americans. After the Scottsboro story broke on March 25, 1931, it was open season for old-fashioned lynchings, legal (courtroom) lynchings, and mob murder. In Alabama alone, twenty black men were known to have been murdered, and countless others, women included, were beaten, disabled, jailed, "disappeared," or had their lives otherwise ruined between March 1931 and September 1935. In this collective biography, Mary Stanton—a noted chronicler of the left and of social justice movements in the South—explores the resources available to Depression-era Reds before the advent of the New Deal or the modern civil rights movement. What emerges from this narrative is a meaningful criterion by which to evaluate the Reds’ accomplishments. Through seven cases of the CPUSA (district 17) activity in the South, Stanton covers tortured notions of loyalty and betrayal, the cult of white southern womanhood, Christianity in all its iterations, and the scapegoating of African Americans, Jews, and communists. Yet this still is a story of how these groups fought back, and fought together, for social justice and change in a fractured region.
Описание: From 1798 to 1801, during the Haitian Revolution, President John Adams and Toussaint Louverture forged diplomatic relations that empowered white Americans to embrace freedom and independence for people of colour in Saint-Domingue. The United States supported the Dominguan revolutionaries with economic assistance and arms and munitions; the conflict was also the U.S. Navy’s first military action on behalf of a foreign ally. This cross-cultural cooperation was of immense and strategic importance as it helped to bring forth a new nation: Haiti.Diplomacy in Black and White is the first book on the Adams-Louverture alliance. Historian and former diplomat Ronald Angelo Johnson details the aspirations of the Americans and Dominguans—two revolutionary peoples—and how they played significant roles in a hostile Atlantic world. Remarkably, leaders of both governments established multiracial relationships amid environments dominated by slavery and racial hierarchy. And though U.S.-Dominguan diplomacy did not end slavery in the United States, it altered Atlantic world discussions of slavery and race well into the twentieth century.Diplomacy in Black and White reflects the capacity of leaders from disparate backgrounds to negotiate political and societal constraints to make lives better for the groups they represent. Adams and Louverture brought their peoples to the threshold of a lasting transracial relationship. And their shared history reveals the impact of decisions made by powerful people at pivotal moments. But in the end, a permanent alliance failed to emerge, and instead, the two republics born of revolution took divergent paths.
Recent years have seen an increase in the number of African Americans elected to political office in cities where the majority of their constituents are not black. In the past, the leadership of black politicians was characterized as either “deracialized” or “racialized”—that is, as either focusing on politics that transcend race or as making black issues central to their agenda. Today many African American politicians elected to offices in non-majority-black cities are adopting a strategy that universalizes black interests as intrinsically relevant to the needs of their entire constituency.
In Black Mayors, White Majorities Ravi K. Perry explores the conditions in which black mayors of majority-white cities are able to represent black interests and whether blacks’ historically high expectations for black mayors are being realized. Perry uses Toledo and Dayton, Ohio, as case studies, and his analysis draws on interviews with mayors and other city officials, business leaders, and heads of civic organizations, in addition to official city and campaign documents and newspapers. Perry also analyzes mayoral speeches, the 2001 ward-level election results, and city demographics. Black Mayors, White Majorities encourages readers to think beyond the black-white dyad and instead to envision policies that can serve constituencies with the greatest needs as well as the general public.
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